The Scottish referendum: a passionate, raw, but oh-so-civilised struggle The conduct of those involved in the campaign was exemplary, characterised by dignity and respect
Kevin McKenna
The Observer, Saturday 20 September 2014 18.44 BST
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Going to the country: Alex Salmond delivers a pre-vote broadcast in Arbroath. Photograph: Jeff J Mitchell/Getty Images
It's impossible to overstate the depths of the despair currently being experienced by Scottish nationalists in the wake of Scotland's wholesale rejection of independence last Thursday. Many have nurtured the dream of Scottish independence for their entire adult lives and, in many cases, it's been handed down to them lovingly through the generations, kept alive in folk tales and music and verse. They cherished it as if it were an ancient and persecuted religion, hoping for the day when it could be brought forth into the light and shared with others.
And for a few brief moments at the start of this month it must have seemed as if the generations of waiting and hoping might be over as a head of steam built within the yes movement and a majority of their fellow Scots appeared ready to follow them.
Inevitably, though, as many of us expected, the four horsemen of the British establishment – Westminster, the banks, big business and the media – finally made common purpose and rode north to extinguish the flames of revolt. The fact that these legions of the damned also included the British Labour party and its Scottish handmaidens has probably sounded the death knell of the people's party in Scotland. The yes campaign recorded victories in the country's four poorest local authorities, all of them traditional Labour enclaves. The Labour voters who voted yes will not easily forgive a party that first tried to disown them before actively trying to demonise them. Right now this will provide scant comfort to the nationalists though, in time, they will come to appreciate it.
For the moment, though, it is time for them and all the Scots who voted to take pride in what has actually happened in the country. The turnout of almost 86% itself is worthy of deep satisfaction occurring, as it did, during a period when globalisation and the veneration of leisure and entertainment have rendered local, community engagement almost redundant. When Alex Salmond has time to reflect on a political career in which he rose above everyone else of his generation he should take pride in this.
Scotland has delivered to the world a new gold standard in how modern political democracy ought to function. This was achieved during a struggle that was as passionate, raw and emotional as anything ever previously encountered in these islands. Yet not a bullet was fired and nor were there any physical casualties. The conduct of those chiefly involved in both campaigns was exemplary and, if not entirely chivalrous, certainly characterised by dignity and mutual respect.
Lamentably, though, some figures on the no side and in the English media wilfully distorted this and misreported it. They knew they could never match the sheer enthusiasm and evangelical fervour of the yes campaign and so attempted to smear it instead. Last weekend, Alistair Darling, leader of the no campaign, seemed to suggest that half of the country had been cowed and intimidated into keeping silent about any sympathy for the union. Yet Darling, by his own admission, encountered far worse from Gordon Brown, his boss when he was chancellor.
And the most extraordinary aspect of Jim Murphy's "100 towns in 100 days" tour wasn't that he was forced to suspend it for a few days because he was attacked by a man lobbing an egg. It was that he encountered very little aggro the rest of the time. I can't imagine any other country where that would be the case.
This was one of the longest campaigns in British political history and many of the most inspiring voices belonged to political amateurs who spoke with eloquence and passion. The embodiment of them all were Blair Jenkins and Blair McDougall, chief executives of the yes and no campaigns, who found themselves thrown together every week of the campaign. Yet throughout it all, each treated the other with respect while trying to demolish his arguments. The spirit in which they pursued this travelling roadshow was characteristic of the debate on the streets.
Certainly there was some beastliness and unpleasantness on social media, but that's what happens when you open up politics to ordinary, untutored and unpolished people. At least they don't make false claims for expenses or undermine parliamentary democracy by soliciting payment for representing big business on the floor of the House.
The yes campaign was much more vivid, inclusive and visible than the no campaign and this was its greatest strength. But it also made them vulnerable. Such was the broad spectrum of yes groups that it was impossible to impose a structured discipline on them. But you know something special has occurred in your country when, by the end of last week, hardly a village or town had not had a referendum event of some description. In all the Westminster and Holyrood campaigns I've lived through, canvassers have been as welcome in people's homes as a poltergeist with bad feet. Yet all across Scotland activists from both camps have been welcomed because people relished the idea of being treated as equals by some of their own.
Now a new narrative is already being espoused by several of the no leaders – the neverendum (borrowed from the repeated tussles in Quebec). These people roll their eyes in mock exasperation and then say that they are tired of all this referendum malarkey. The ordinary, everyday business of running the country is being neglected, they aver. Well, in Scotland these last couple of years, as well as engaging in an independence referendum we've also managed to hold a Commonwealth Games, host hundreds of business conferences, build a new motorway, complete the benighted trams project, reduce violent crime and reduce unemployment.
The referendum has been great for ordinary Scottish people, but the last thing the Westminster elite desires is the idea of thousands more punters arming themselves with the tools and information to scrutinise more closely their actions and spending habits.
I'd welcome another one any time soon. In the meantime, though, I suppose we must all look forward to being regarded by the rest of the world as the country that couldn't trust itself – the most independent, non-independent country on the planet. Huzzah!
Kevin McKenna
The Observer, Saturday 20 September 2014 18.44 BST
Jump to comments (…)
Going to the country: Alex Salmond delivers a pre-vote broadcast in Arbroath. Photograph: Jeff J Mitchell/Getty Images
It's impossible to overstate the depths of the despair currently being experienced by Scottish nationalists in the wake of Scotland's wholesale rejection of independence last Thursday. Many have nurtured the dream of Scottish independence for their entire adult lives and, in many cases, it's been handed down to them lovingly through the generations, kept alive in folk tales and music and verse. They cherished it as if it were an ancient and persecuted religion, hoping for the day when it could be brought forth into the light and shared with others.
And for a few brief moments at the start of this month it must have seemed as if the generations of waiting and hoping might be over as a head of steam built within the yes movement and a majority of their fellow Scots appeared ready to follow them.
Inevitably, though, as many of us expected, the four horsemen of the British establishment – Westminster, the banks, big business and the media – finally made common purpose and rode north to extinguish the flames of revolt. The fact that these legions of the damned also included the British Labour party and its Scottish handmaidens has probably sounded the death knell of the people's party in Scotland. The yes campaign recorded victories in the country's four poorest local authorities, all of them traditional Labour enclaves. The Labour voters who voted yes will not easily forgive a party that first tried to disown them before actively trying to demonise them. Right now this will provide scant comfort to the nationalists though, in time, they will come to appreciate it.
For the moment, though, it is time for them and all the Scots who voted to take pride in what has actually happened in the country. The turnout of almost 86% itself is worthy of deep satisfaction occurring, as it did, during a period when globalisation and the veneration of leisure and entertainment have rendered local, community engagement almost redundant. When Alex Salmond has time to reflect on a political career in which he rose above everyone else of his generation he should take pride in this.
Scotland has delivered to the world a new gold standard in how modern political democracy ought to function. This was achieved during a struggle that was as passionate, raw and emotional as anything ever previously encountered in these islands. Yet not a bullet was fired and nor were there any physical casualties. The conduct of those chiefly involved in both campaigns was exemplary and, if not entirely chivalrous, certainly characterised by dignity and mutual respect.
Lamentably, though, some figures on the no side and in the English media wilfully distorted this and misreported it. They knew they could never match the sheer enthusiasm and evangelical fervour of the yes campaign and so attempted to smear it instead. Last weekend, Alistair Darling, leader of the no campaign, seemed to suggest that half of the country had been cowed and intimidated into keeping silent about any sympathy for the union. Yet Darling, by his own admission, encountered far worse from Gordon Brown, his boss when he was chancellor.
And the most extraordinary aspect of Jim Murphy's "100 towns in 100 days" tour wasn't that he was forced to suspend it for a few days because he was attacked by a man lobbing an egg. It was that he encountered very little aggro the rest of the time. I can't imagine any other country where that would be the case.
This was one of the longest campaigns in British political history and many of the most inspiring voices belonged to political amateurs who spoke with eloquence and passion. The embodiment of them all were Blair Jenkins and Blair McDougall, chief executives of the yes and no campaigns, who found themselves thrown together every week of the campaign. Yet throughout it all, each treated the other with respect while trying to demolish his arguments. The spirit in which they pursued this travelling roadshow was characteristic of the debate on the streets.
Certainly there was some beastliness and unpleasantness on social media, but that's what happens when you open up politics to ordinary, untutored and unpolished people. At least they don't make false claims for expenses or undermine parliamentary democracy by soliciting payment for representing big business on the floor of the House.
The yes campaign was much more vivid, inclusive and visible than the no campaign and this was its greatest strength. But it also made them vulnerable. Such was the broad spectrum of yes groups that it was impossible to impose a structured discipline on them. But you know something special has occurred in your country when, by the end of last week, hardly a village or town had not had a referendum event of some description. In all the Westminster and Holyrood campaigns I've lived through, canvassers have been as welcome in people's homes as a poltergeist with bad feet. Yet all across Scotland activists from both camps have been welcomed because people relished the idea of being treated as equals by some of their own.
Now a new narrative is already being espoused by several of the no leaders – the neverendum (borrowed from the repeated tussles in Quebec). These people roll their eyes in mock exasperation and then say that they are tired of all this referendum malarkey. The ordinary, everyday business of running the country is being neglected, they aver. Well, in Scotland these last couple of years, as well as engaging in an independence referendum we've also managed to hold a Commonwealth Games, host hundreds of business conferences, build a new motorway, complete the benighted trams project, reduce violent crime and reduce unemployment.
The referendum has been great for ordinary Scottish people, but the last thing the Westminster elite desires is the idea of thousands more punters arming themselves with the tools and information to scrutinise more closely their actions and spending habits.
I'd welcome another one any time soon. In the meantime, though, I suppose we must all look forward to being regarded by the rest of the world as the country that couldn't trust itself – the most independent, non-independent country on the planet. Huzzah!
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