Overcrowding in British prisons puts strain on both inmates and staff.
The DW-WORLD Article
Britain will be hit harder than any other advanced nation in the worst recession for more than 60 years, world economists warned last night.
In the bleakest assessment yet of British prospects, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) forecast that the economy would shrink by 2.8 per cent this year, twice as much as it previously thought and far more than the 2 per cent average drop for developed nations in 2009.
The stark figures are a severe blow to Gordon Brown, who has continually insisted that Britain is better placed than most countries to weather the downturn. The IMF outlook suggests that the recession in Britain will be deeper than that in the United States, Italy, France and elsewhere.
Alistair Darling, the Chancellor, predicted in November that growth in Britain would rebound to at least 1.5 per cent in 2010, the likely election year, but the IMF points to a far more meagre recovery of only 0.2 per cent.
It expects world growth to rise at no more than 0.5 per cent this year as the “scale and scope of the current financial crisis have taken the global economy into uncharted waters”. This would mean the weakest annual growth since the Second World War.
In another downbeat view, the Institute for Fiscal Studies said that Britain would be saddled with government debt for more than 20 years. Regardless of which party wins the next election, tax increases and spending cuts totalling £20 billion are inevitable by the end of the next Parliament.
The International Labour Organisation predicts that 50 million jobs will be lost around the world this year, taking unemployment to 7.1 per cent, compared with 6 per cent last year.
A recovery will not be possible until the financial sector begins to function again, the IMF said. “Despite wideranging policy actions, financial strains remain acute, pulling down the real economy.” It now predicts that the US will suffer a 1.6 per cent contraction this year, while Germany and Japan will see output fall by 2.5 per cent and 2.6 per cent. But it forecast a gradual recovery for world output in 2010, with growth rising to 3 per cent.
George Osborne, the Shadow Chancellor, said: “This is the day when the British people were confronted with the true cost of Gordon Brown’s failures. It may be a bad day for him, but it’s an even worse day for the country.”
Vince Cable, the Liberal Democrat spokesman, said: “This exposes Gordon Brown’s lie that Britain is well placed to deal with the recession.”
Mr Brown’s spokesman said that the Prime Minister remained “absolutely confident” that the Government was taking the right action to get Britain through the global recession.
The Queen's peace (or, during the reign of a male monarch, King's peace) is the term used in the Commonwealth realms to describe the protection the monarch, in right of each state, provides to his or her subjects. In republics with common law traditions, the same is often referred to as the peace [and dignity] of the State.
Maintenance of the Queen's peace is one of the duties of the Crown, carried out via the Royal Prerogative. Though this power remains the Crown's, through convention it is exercised by the Queen-in-Council; that is, the executive, or, the sovereign acting on the advice of her ministers of the Crown.
The Crown can be held responsible should it fail in upholding its duty to maintain peace; this was the justification for the Riot Act and subsequent legislation throughout the British Empire. Where civil authorities had declared the Queen's peace as breached (i.e. there was a state of riot), there was a change in the rules: the authorities (whether police, army, or militia providing military aid to the civil power) could shoot and kill the leaders of the riot, and generally take severe action against anyone who was rioting. The counterbalance was that the Crown was responsible for damage caused by the riot, having failed in its prerogative to preserve the peace. Into the present day, the criminal offence of rioting can only be prosecuted with the consent of the
Officers of the Queen's peace have the right to detain a person who is creating a breach of the peace. This is not a criminal or civil offence; it exists as a legal oddity created by the Royal Prerogative. Persons so detained must be taken before a magistrate (a Justice of the Peace), who will "bind them over" in order to keep the peace, whereafter the person may not disturb the peace again for the appointed time, under threat of imprisonment. The police will frequently use this power to break up difficult situations or minor fights; often, a perpetrator will be detained only briefly, until the officers are satisfied that the fight is over. Alternatively, if alcohol is present, for instance, the offender can be held until sober enough to face the magistrate. Because a breach of the Queen's peace is not a criminal offence, people found to have broken it will not have the charge marked on their criminal record.
Murder remains a common law, defined as "the unlawful killing of a reasonable creature in being under the Queen's peace with malice aforethought," however, the Queen's peace excludes killing of the enemy during a war.
Historically, and in particular before the founding of the police and the modern legal system, the concept of the Queen's peace was much more important. Knights of the Peace were appointed in each shire, and it was their duty to maintain the Queen's peace. These Knights of the Peace later became known as Justices of the Peace, or JPs, and subsequently as magistrates. In the United Kingdom, paid magistrates are now called District Judges (Magistrates' Courts), and are drawn from the ranks of local solicitors and barristers. Unpaid magistrates are volunteers from the community – the requirements are that they must be of good character and local residence.
In the United States, arrest warrants and charging documents, such as indictments, are often constitutionally required to make reference to an offense having occurred "against the peace and dignity of" the respective state or commonwealth.
In the county palatine areas of the United Kingdom – the Duchies of Lancaster and Cornwall, and the County Palatine of Durham – offences such as murder were deemed to be against the respective bishop's or duke's peace (the Duke of Lancaster being merged with the Crown, but nevertheless a separate office, and the Duke of Cornwall being the Heir to the Throne). This, however, was altered in 1536.
Li Yuan-chia: Space = Time = Life
Li Yuan-chia: Space = Time = Life
LYC Foundation: Future Plans
The LYC Foundation is a charitable organisation devoted to the care and conservation of the work of Li Yuan-chia, and to the dissemination of information about Li’s life and work. Our long-term project is to create a museum of Li’s work in the house at Banks, Cumbria, next to Hadrian’s Wall, where he lived and worked. During his lifetime Li converted his house and garden into a museum and art gallery, open to the public, which became a major attraction in the area. We plan over the next few years to restore the building and re-open it as a permanent exhibition of Li’s life and work. The project will include a space for temporary exhibitions, literary and musical events, living quarters for the Museum’s curator, a studio and living accommodation for an artist/poet in residence, and a garden/ car park.
倫敦劇院協會The Society of London Theatre (SOLT)指出，去年觀賞音樂劇、舞台劇、舞蹈等表演的觀眾人數較2007年增加1%，達1380萬人次。
倫敦劇院協會會長勃恩斯（Nica Burns）指出，去年劇院票房成績出色，主要是有業者推出受歡迎的節目，包括Zorro、Hairspray及High School等音樂劇。
A new study shows men's income rising 25% after a split, but many ex-wives are plunged into poverty
Sunday, 25 January 2009
The common perception surrounding divorce is that wives generally take their husbands to the cleaners. But the first study to track the changing wealth of British divorcees claims the opposite to be true, especially when the separating couple have children.
The effects of divorce upon income are so marked that they are enough to haul men out of poverty while plunging women into it. The incomes of ex-husbands rose by 25 per cent immediately after the split, but women saw a sharp fall in their finances, which rarely regained pre-divorce levels.
Some 27 per cent of women ended up living in poverty as a result – three times the rate of men – and only 31 per cent received maintenance payments from ex-husbands for their children.
"The difference between the sexes is stark. But this is not so much a gender thing as a parent thing. The key differences are not between men and women but between fathers and mothers," said Professor Stephen Jenkins, a director of the Institute for Social and Economic Research, who carried out the survey. He combined data from 14 British Household Panel Surveys from 1991 to 2004 with information from five European surveys, then came up with new per capita incomes by recalculating the figures using the same formula employed by the Government to measure poverty.
"The percentage change in income is less if [women] have worked beforehand and continue working after the relationship breakdown. There is also a potential positive impact if she remarries," he told The Observer.
The situation was only reversed in cases where the ex-husband remarried and had children with his new partner while paying child maintenance to his former wife, Professor Jenkins said, adding that the only way to even out the inequalities was to tackle differences between the roles of men and women in the labour market and within the family.
Ruth Smallacombe, of divorce specialists Family Lawyers in Partnership, said: "The general belief that men get fleeced by their divorces while women get richer and live off the proceeds has long been due for exposure as a pernicious myth. In reality, women often suffer economic hardship when they divorce. In addition, the resentment caused by unfair financial settlements has many knock-on effects."
英國廣播公司BBC拒絕播放慈善組織呼吁為加沙募捐的宣傳短片，引起越來越多人的批評，英國聖公會(Church of England)也抨擊了BBC。
由數家大型慈善組織聯合組成的英國慈善機構 - 災難緊急委員會 (Disaster Emergency Committee)最近在全英國發起為加沙募捐活動，請求BBC播放他們制作的一個宣傳募捐短片，但是遭BBC拒絕。
與BBC一同拒絕播放宣傳片的英國獨立電視（ITV）已經改變初衷，決定星期一（1月26日）與第四頻道(Channel Four)和第五頻道(Channel Five)兩家電視台一同播放宣傳片。
LONDON — In more than 80 years as a publicly financed broadcaster with an audience of millions at home and around the world, the BBC has rarely been buffeted as severely as it has in recent days over its decision not to broadcast a television appeal by aid agencies for victims of Israel’s recent military actions in Gaza.
BBC executives made the decision late last week and defiantly reaffirmed it on Monday, citing their concern with protecting the corporation’s impartiality in the Arab-Israeli dispute.
The dispute stirs high passions here, and the BBC, like other news organizations, has struggled uneasily for years to strike a balance, even as some critics claim it has tilted heavily toward Israel and others claim it has favored the Palestinians.
The three-week Israeli campaign in Gaza that ended nine days ago had already elicited a fresh barrage of complaints about BBC bias, for and against Israel. But the decision to block the aid appeal had the effect of magnifying the protests, and their virulence.
The decision has met with angry criticism from Church of England archbishops, editorial writers and senior British government ministers, as well as sit-ins at the BBC’s London headquarters and its broadcast center in Glasgow.
News planning sessions at the BBC have featured heated exchanges among editors and reporters, and BBC officials said Monday that they had received more than 11,000 complaints in the past three days.
A strong undercurrent in many of the protests has been that the BBC gave in to pressure from Israel or Jewish groups, which the BBC has vehemently denied.
A more common view has been that BBC executives, already wary because of a recent series of embarrassments unrelated to Middle East coverage, became so averse to controversy that they made an awkward extension of the concept of impartiality to a purely humanitarian issue.
But the BBC’s director general, Mark Thompson, denied Monday to reporters that he had been subjected to “arm-twisting” by pro-Israeli groups and said that the corporation had a duty to cover the Gaza dispute in a “balanced, objective way.”
“Of course, everyone is struck by the human consequence of what has happened,” he said. “And we will, I promise you, continue to report that as fully and compassionately as we can. But we are going to do that in a way where we can hold it up to scrutiny. It’s our job as journalists.”
The three-minute video, which was shown on several other channels in Britain on Monday night, was prepared by the Disasters Emergency Committee, an organization representing 11 relief agencies. Among them are many of Britain’s best-known charities, including the Red Cross, Oxfam, Save the Children, Help the Aged, Christian Aid and World Vision.
The committee has said the money it raises will buy food, medical supplies, tents, blankets and other necessities for those suffering in Gaza in the wake of the Israeli offensive and the military actions of Hamas, the militant Palestinian group that governs Gaza.
It asked broadcasters to show the appeal as a public service.
The BBC does not accept advertising but has shown humanitarian appeals on other issues, including the conflicts in Rwanda, Congo and Darfur. But to broadcast the appeal for aid to Gaza, BBC executives said, might compromise the impartiality of its Middle East coverage.
“We worry about being seen to endorse something which could give people the impression that we were backing one side,” Mr. Thompson said on the BBC’s Web site.
Some of the sharpest criticism of the BBC’s decision on the Gaza appeal came from within its own ranks, from unions representing its newsroom staff and from retired editors and reporters.
Sir John Tusa, a former head of the BBC World Service, said the scenes of distressed children and families in Gaza captured in the video appeal were a matter of “common humanity.”
“Nobody, surely, in their right mind, can say that is being partial towards the victims, as if somehow they deserved the fate they got,” he said in a BBC radio interview.
“The thing that worries me,” he added, “is that there is now an overcomplication of regulation and compliance and policy, and that in the course of that, common sense, and, I regret to say, humanity, seem to have been left behind.”
The BBC was joined in its refusal to carry the appeal by Sky News, an independent broadcaster with a widely watched news channel. But three other broadcasters — the publicly owned Channel 4 and two private broadcasters, ITV and Channel 5 — accepted the appeal. As shown on Monday night, the video focused heavily on the plight of Palestinian children — small boys and girls wounded and sobbing, being rushed into hospital emergency wards and, at one point, a parent clutching a tiny white shroud. Other scenes were of apartment blocks collapsed into piles of twisted steel and rubble.
“The children of Gaza are suffering,” the narrator said. “Many are struggling to survive, homeless or in need of food and water.”
Then, as if answering the view that the video amounted to anti-Israeli propaganda, he said: “Today, this is not about the rights and wrongs of the conflict. These people simply need your help.”
比如，Grope Lane（“摸摸巷”）、Weeford（“尿尿窝”）、Scratchy Bottom（“挠屁股”）等等。这些特别的街名往往有一定的历史渊源。
虽然强调不会更改现有街名，但今后新起的街名中，将禁止不雅的名字，比如Gaswork Road（煤气厂路）、Coalpit Lane（煤坑巷）等。
考证一些特殊街名、地名由来的《粗俗英国》（Rude UK）一书的作者之一，贝利（Rob Bailey）认为，如果去掉了一些名字中的“不雅”成分，就割断了与之相联系的独特的工业或地貌背景。
他举例说，在Merseyside 有一个Slag Lane（煤渣巷），就是因为当年那里的煤渣堆而得名。
阿洛特（Paul and Lisa Allott）一家住在南约克郡一个叫Butt Hole Road（可以被联想成“屁眼儿路”）的街上。
CRAPSTONE, England — When ordering things by telephone, Stewart Pearce tends to take a proactive approach to the inevitable question “What is your address?”
He lays it out straight, so there is no room for unpleasant confusion. “I say, ‘It’s spelled “crap,” as in crap,’ ” said Mr. Pearce, 61, who has lived in Crapstone, a one-shop country village in Devon, for decades.
Disappointingly, Mr. Pearce has so far been unable to parlay such delicate encounters into material gain, as a neighbor once did.
“Crapstone,” the neighbor said forthrightly, Mr. Pearce related, whereupon the person on the other end of the telephone repeated it to his co-workers and burst out laughing. “They said, ‘Oh, we thought it didn’t really exist,’ ” Mr. Pearce said, “and then they gave him a free something.”
In the scale of embarrassing place names, Crapstone ranks pretty high. But Britain is full of them. Some are mostly amusing, like Ugley, Essex; East Breast, in western Scotland; North Piddle, in Worcestershire; and Spanker Lane, in Derbyshire.
Others evoke images that may conflict with residents’ efforts to appear dignified when, for example, applying for jobs.
These include Crotch Crescent, Oxford; Titty Ho, Northamptonshire; Wetwang, East Yorkshire; Slutshole Lane, Norfolk; and Thong, Kent. And, in a country that delights in lavatory humor, particularly if the word “bottom” is involved, there is Pratts Bottom, in Kent, doubly cursed because “prat” is slang for buffoon.
As for Penistone, a thriving South Yorkshire town, just stop that sophomoric snickering.
“It’s pronounced ‘PENNIS-tun,’ ” Fiona Moran, manager of the Old Vicarage Hotel in Penistone, said over the telephone, rather sharply. When forced to spell her address for outsiders, she uses misdirection, separating the tricky section into two blameless parts: “p-e-n” — pause — “i-s-t-o-n-e.”
Several months ago, Lewes District Council in East Sussex tried to address the problem of inadvertent place-name titillation by saying that “street names which could give offense” would no longer be allowed on new roads.
“Avoid aesthetically unsuitable names,” like Gaswork Road, the council decreed. Also, avoid “names capable of deliberate misinterpretation,” like Hoare Road, Typple Avenue, Quare Street and Corfe Close.
(What is wrong with Corfe Close, you might ask? The guidelines mention the hypothetical residents of No. 4, with their unfortunate hypothetical address, “4 Corfe Close.” To find the naughty meaning, you have to repeat the first two words rapidly many times, preferably in the presence of your fifth-grade classmates.)
The council explained that it was only following national guidelines and that it did not intend to change any existing lewd names.
Still, news of the revised policy raised an outcry.
“Sniggering at double entendres is a loved and time-honored tradition in this country,” Carol Midgley wrote in The Times of London. Ed Hurst, a co-author, with Rob Bailey, of “Rude Britain” and “Rude UK,” which list arguably offensive place names — some so arguably offensive that, unfortunately, they cannot be printed here — said that many such communities were established hundreds of years ago and that their names were not rude at the time.
“Place names and street names are full of history and culture, and it’s only because language has evolved over the centuries that they’ve wound up sounding rude,” Mr. Hurst said in an interview.
Mr. Bailey, who grew up on Tumbledown Dick Road in Oxfordshire, and Mr. Hurst got the idea for the books when they read about a couple who bought a house on Butt Hole Road, in South Yorkshire.
The name most likely has to do with the spot’s historic function as a source of water, a water butt being a container for collecting water. But it proved to be prohibitively hilarious.
“If they ordered a pizza, the pizza company wouldn’t deliver it, because they thought it was a made-up name,” Mr. Hurst said. “People would stand in front of the sign, pull down their trousers and take pictures of each other’s naked buttocks.”
The couple moved away.
The people in Crapstone have not had similar problems, although their sign is periodically stolen by word-loving merrymakers. And their village became a stock joke a few years ago, when a television ad featuring a prone-to-swearing soccer player named Vinnie Jones showed Mr. Jones’s car breaking down just under the Crapstone sign.
In the commercial, Mr. Jones tries to alert the towing company to his location while covering the sign and trying not to say “crap” in front of his young daughter.
The consensus in the village is that there is a perfectly innocent reason for the name “Crapstone,” though it is unclear what that is. Theories put forth by various residents the other day included “place of the rocks,” “a kind of twisting of the original word,” “something to do with the soil” and “something to do with Sir Francis Drake,” who lived nearby.
Jacqui Anderson, a doctor in Crapstone who used to live in a village called Horrabridge, which has its own issues, said that she no longer thought about the “crap” in “Crapstone.”
Still, when strangers ask where she’s from, she admitted, “I just say I live near Plymouth.”
WASHINGTON — The good lady Opinion sits perched in a tree, wearing the weighty towers of the town as her hat, which blinds her eyes. On one of her hands a chameleon sits, doubtless changing its spots to accommodate the surroundings. Held in her other hand is a wand used to shake the tree’s branches, from which leaves fall: leaves of books and papers, which offer not knowledge but libel and foolishness, which “in everie streete, on everie stall you find.”
Such is the cynical vision of the news business put forward by Henry Peacham in 1641 London, as journalism, in its earliest forms, was becoming a major force during some of the most tumultuous decades in England’s history: no wisdom, he finds, just much posturing and gossip.
More than 360 years later, as advance obituaries are being prepared for the very forms of printed journalism born during Peacham’s era, Lady Opinion is on display, alongwith far more reverential examples of news and opinion, at the Folger Shakespeare Library on Capitol Hill in the exhibition “Breaking News: Renaissance Journalism and the Birth of the Newspaper.”
The show, housed in the library’s stunning exhibition hall, will be taken down after Jan. 31, which means that to sample these offerings we are all of us on deadline. The curators — Chris R. Kyle (Syracuse University), Jason Peacey (University College, London) and the library’s own Elizabeth Walsh — have put together a chronicle of chronicles, an account of how information about the wider world in 16th- and 17th-century England, including reports of wonders and horrors, wars and troop movements, murders and merchandise, gradually made its way from private journals or letters reporting on events witnessed, to publicly sold broadsheets and pamphlets.
The show’s effect is understated and must be pieced together slowly, since these documents should be read as well as seen. But the story of how journalism became a public enterprise in Renaissance England is actually the history of how a public itself took shape; how out of a monarchical society in which great poverty and great wealth cohabited, another kind of identity evolved. It was based on slowly increasing literacy and impassioned written argument; it included curiosity about gossip and a taste for exotic tales; and it developed alongside a new commercial world in which written advertising, like the news it accompanied, helped shape taste and expectations.
Look carefully, and it is really the birth of the modern West that we see taking place here: snippets of news and sensation helped define a shared experience of the past and present, as political debates laid the foundations of democratic culture. If the Reformation is often credited with having turned the West toward the Enlightenment, another such force must be the growing taste for news and its multiple retellings. While other cultures were arguing over the interpretations of sacred texts, England’s was arguing over the nature of government in print. We are the beneficiaries.
The exhibition itself could have been much more clear in its chronological and thematic organization, particularly because the knotty politics of 17th-century England — centering on its civil wars — are treated as if they were far more familiar than is the case, but these documents repay the patience of careful reading.
When Sir Walter Raleigh was convicted of treason and executed in 1618, his eloquent speech on the scaffold was reported not by newspapers — which had not yet evolved — but in private written accounts. The real revolution came in the 1620s under the influence of “corantos” imported from Amsterdam, which provided the main news of the week. The corantos (which are still recalled in the names of newspapers, like The Hartford Courant) also inspired opposition from the government over their reports of troop movements during the Thirty Years’ War, leading to censorship and even imprisonment.
But the demand for news — and opinion — increased. Press censorship collapsed with the beginning of the civil wars of the 1640s, but the debates of this era were so intense and so much a part of public consciousness that news publications became instruments in the political battles between monarchists and parliamentarians. Newspapers were counterfeited, imitated, mocked and attacked. Parliament tried to reimpose censorship in 1643, and the poet John Milton wrote his famous speech demanding “Liberty of Unlicenc’d Printing.” But newspapers, complained Sir Roger L’Estrange, an ardent monarchist, make “the multitude too familiar with the actions and counsels of their superiors.” He created The Observator, shown at the Folger — the “pre-eminent Tory journal of its day.”
Coffeehouses also proliferated in which newspapers were read and where, as one 1683 critic put it, “false and seditious news is invented and spread.” The Folger has a modern working reproduction of a Renaissance printing press, which in a kind of mirage, out of the corner of the eye (at least an eye surrounded by these contentious publications), seems a distant relative of the guillotine.
The ultimate impact of all this, though, did not depend on a particular political position. The journalistic enterprise itself led to an expanded sense of the importance of individual opinion and even provided glimpses of something like public opinion. The result was a revolution in the ways citizens thought about themselves and their government.
Mixed in with political argument were other morality tales. There were reports of the skies raining blood in Rome, or, in London, “A True Relation of a most desperate Murder” from 1617. There were accounts of beheadings, bizarre births and conjoined twins (“a Prodigious Monster”).
Advertising evolved alongside such narrative spectacles and urgent political arguments. A 1660 notice heralds “Sir Kenelm Digbies sympatheticall Powder, prepared by Promethian fire, curing all green wounds.”
By the beginning of the 18th century the modern press was emerging. The first issue of the first newspaper published in the New World is here: Publick Occurrences Both Forreign and Domestick (Sept. 25, 1690). This was also the last issue; it was closed down by the Governor and Council of Massachusetts for its scandalous tales. The first issue of The Boston News-letter from 1704 is here too, but it must have been more sober: it became the first continuously published newspaper in America.
It is strange to think that the genetic code of modern journalistic culture was laid down four centuries ago in England, mixing hype and high seriousness, incorporating battles over press freedoms, suffused with a spirit of competition and a need for marketing. The newspaper, we also see, evolved as the creator and mirror of its public. Political modernity is almost unimaginable without that relationship.
In our own era this deeply inscribed code can lead to a slightly exaggerated pride and self-importance. That is the approach of the nearby Newseum, devoted to celebrating the press and its importance to democracy. But at this exhibition we see something else.
One aspect of the historic importance of the newspaper arises not from its idea of liberty, or from its presumption to tell truth to power, or from publishing without fear or favor. Its importance derives not out of itself alone, but out of its relationship to an evolving public. Whether published in pixels or ink, it acts at once as that public’s guide and its follower, its critic and its servant, its creator and its voice. That, at any rate, is what it says on the latest leaf that Lady Opinion has knocked out of the tree into this scrivener’s hands.
“Breaking News: Renaissance Journalism and the Birth of the Newspaper” continues through Jan. 31 at the Folger Shakespeare Library, Washington; (202) 544-7077, folger.edu.
“END the occupation of Tibet,” the graffiti would have said, if some wit hadn’t crossed out the word “Tibet” and scribbled “East London” instead.
There’s graffiti all over this part of London, but these particular words, tinged with nostalgia and rebellion, tell a story. This gray and unfashionable immigrant-heavy neighborhood is going through a major makeover, and not everyone is happy about it.
The neighborhood of Stratford is taking the torch from Beijing as the site of the next Summer Olympics in 2012, turning the dingy area into a giant construction zone as world-class sports venues, complexes and shops are built. Some locals grumble about what all this development is going to do to the character of this gritty district, one of the city’s most deprived.
For others, it’s finally Stratford’s turn. The area exudes an energy it hasn’t had in years. New cutting-edge bars and restaurants are serving the cardigan-wearing trendsetters and young families trickling into stylish apartments.
Among the shiny new spots is the Bow Arts Trust (183 Bow Road; 44-20-7538-1719; www.bowarts.org), an arts center ensconced in a dark-blue building that stands out among the street’s dilapidated row houses. Its Nunnery Gallery, a spare, chapel-shaped space, shows innovative artworks by local students and international artists.
The gastropub has also arrived. The Morgan Arms (43 Morgan Street; 44-20-8980-6389; www.geronimo-inns.co.uk/themorgan) is the place to grab a pint or tuck into some excellent food. The menu changes daily, save for favorites like its trademark fishcakes served with spinach and poached eggs (£13.50, or $21.06 at $1.56 to the pound).
And on Saturdays, Roman Road comes to life with a street market, one of Britain’s oldest, with vendors who sell fashionable clothing, jewelry and local artworks. There’s also a new farmers market once a month.
But the old East End still holds on. Duncan’s Pie, Mash and Eels (365 Green Street; 44-20-8552-1288) is one of the few places left in London where you get a traditional “pie and mash” of minced beef and potatoes (around £3.80), as well as the infamous jellied eels. Old men with Cockney accents will tell tales, the taller the better.
And the neighborhood is still a first stop for many new immigrants, and the rhythms of Bangladeshi, Hindi and Gujarati can be heard in the side streets just southeast of Stratford.
Nowhere is this mix more obvious than at Queen’s Market (www.newqueensmarket.co.uk), on Green Street near the soccer stadium of West Ham United. Housed in a large concrete hall, the market has everything from Afro-Caribbean vendors to Indian silk suppliers to halal meat shops.
“The Olympics ruin East London? Nah,” said Gary Childs, who works in his family’s produce stall, where his father barks out to potential customers in Urdu. “If you’re not happy about the Olympics, you’re either lazy or stupid.”Not that Queen’s Market itself is immune to change. There are proposals to demolish and replace it with a modern market. “Nothing stays the same,” Mr. Childs said. “You’ve got to move with the times.”
7 references to settlement in this book
|1.||on Page 8:|
|" ... failed to do. Many contemporaries hoped fora radical revision of the Church settlement of the 166os"|
|2.||on Page 9:|
|"important to maintain the substance of the Restoration Settlement. The Prayer Book of 1662 was to remain the liturgical basis of Anglican worship until the twentieth century"|
|3.||on Page 14:|
|" ... than they need have been, and generally threatened to reshape the Revolution settlement"|
|4.||on Page 43:|
|"laws of settlement provided for compulsory residence in the parish of birth for those not occupying a house worth at least E1o per annum, a not insubstantial sum"|
|5.||on Page 82:|
|"reinforced by settlement in Canada and the Floridas, would form a vast, loyal market for British manufactures, a continuing source of essential raw materials"|
|6.||on Page 97:|
|"given a settlement which was to endure, albeit uneasily, until 1867. In many ways, Pitt's supremacy had a very traditional appearance"|
|7.||from Back Matter:|
|"Act of Settlement settles the royal succession on the descendants of Sophia of Hanover 1702 Death of William III"|
In Britain a new attempt is being made to change ancient laws which bans the monarch from marrying a Catholic. The Act of Settlement, introduced by King William III in 1701 states anyone who marries a Catholic cannot become king or queen. It also gives legal precedence to male heirs in the line of succession, and it is these two aspects that a British lawmaker wants to change. Dr Evan Harris, from the country's third political party the Liberal Democrats says this blatant religious and sex discrimination is outdated and must go.
(Report: Catherine Drews)
Following a huge loss by RBS on Jan. 19, investors turned against other City of London bastions, including Lloyds, Barclays, and even HSBC
《每日電訊報》在頭版以"藍色星期一" (錯譯) 為標題，并以大字列出一些數字，那就是皇家蘇格蘭銀行損失280億英鎊，創歷史最高損失紀錄﹔股票價格降低了67%﹔納稅人需要再出資3500億英鎊拯救銀行。
The government's latest plan to counter the economic downturn by encouraging lending has been criticised, and sent banks' shares tumbling.
Opposition MPs argued that the government's measures were inadequate and too many details remained unknown.
Meanwhile Prime Minister Gordon Brown said the move, which centres on state insurance for banks, was essential to help protect jobs.
Business leaders have raised concerns over how much the plan will cost.
The latest government package is the second major set of measures to encourage banks to lend to individuals and businesses, as credit remains scarce or expensive to obtain.
The news sent banking shares down sharply, with Royal Bank of Scotland closing down 67%.
The bank's warning that it could see record losses for 2008 compounded worries about the state of the finance sector.
Four key points
Here are the key points of the government's latest announcement:
• Banks will be able to take up government insurance against their expected bad debts
• The Bank of England will be able to buy up to £50bn worth of assets in companies in all sectors of the economy
• Northern Rock has been given extra time to repay its loans from the government
• The government is increasing its stake in RBS to nearly 70% from 58%. RBS also said it was set to report a huge loss for 2008, with asset write-downs of up to £20bn.
The prime minister said that without the new schemes, jobs may have been "needlessly" lost at healthy firms struggling to gain access to necessary funding.
"Good businesses must have access to credit," said the prime minister.
"It is because of this that we are taking the action to expand lending."
Shadow chancellor George Osborne said the details of Monday's package remained a "mystery".
Unless we are prepared to use the power of Government to get lending going again then the problems will simply be compounded as more and more firms get into difficulties
Chancellor Alistair Darling
Mr Osborne added that the prime minister "hasn't saved this economy and he hasn't even saved the British banks yet".
Liberal Democrat treasury spokesman Vince Cable said the government's latest plans were inadequate, urging instead for the whole banking sector to be nationalised.
"The government must bite the bullet on the public ownership and control of the banks to ensure that lending is maintained to sound companies who can keep the economy ticking over in these turbulent times," he said.
The long list of policies includes a scheme to offer insurance against banks losing more money from the bad debts that started the credit crunch.
Meanwhile, the Bank of England is to be able to buy assets direct from firms.
The government would not reveal how much the latest plan would cost the taxpayer.
Under the insurance scheme, banks will agree with the government the amount they expect to lose from particular debt.
The Treasury will then sell insurance against about 90% of the institutions' additional losses from the debt.
Chancellor Alistair Darling said: "Unless we are prepared to use the power of government to get lending going again then the problems will simply be compounded as more and more firms get into difficulties."
He told the BBC that banks taking out the insurance would have to make "very specific legally binding agreements to lend more money".
Under the Bank of England's new role, it will be able to buy up to £50bn of high quality assets, such as bonds and loans, directly from companies.
Northern Rock extension
There have also been changes to the terms of previous bank rescues.
The government has given Northern Rock longer to repay its loans from the government.
I thought the tax payer had already coughed up once. Is it Ground Hog Day?
There was concern that the timetable for repaying the loans was forcing Northern Rock to reduce its mortgage lending too quickly.
Separately, RBS said it had agreed with the Treasury to swap the £5bn of preference shares the government holds for new ordinary shares, increasing the government's stake from 58% to nearly 70%.
The swap will reduce RBS's annual payments to the government as preference shares have a higher guaranteed rate of return than ordinary shares.
報道說，被假冒的"金普薩" （Zyprexa， 又譯"再普樂"）是一種治療精神疾病的藥物，而這批假藥可能給病人帶來生命危險。